This is the third installment in a series examining the cycle of

influence in the state

Legislature - how campaign contributions,

lobbyist spending and personal financial interests

affect legislation.

The care and feeding of the West Virginia Legislature does not come

cheap.

In the past five years, lobbyists have spent more than $1

million on West Virginia's government

officials for meals, receptions

and campaign contributions, according to a computer-assisted

analysis

of lobbyist disclosure forms. Most of that spending goes to state

legislators.

That money spent on meals, gifts and receptions does not buy votes

directly, said the Rev.

Nathan Wilson, lobbyist for the West Virginia

Council of Churches. "But it gets lobbyists into

the

legislator's office," he said. "It buys them access."

Some special-interest groups may have bought themselves more access

than others. Since 1996,

gambling lobbyists spent more than

$220,000. That is 66 times as much as anti-gambling

lobbyists,

who spent approximately $3,333.

State legislators are asked to be experts in everything. One

day, they are debating electricity

deregulation, the next, whether to

tax barroom video poker machines. When they don't know much

about an

issue, they look for someone nearby who does. Very often, that person is a

lobbyist.

Larry Swann is a former legislator from Doddridge County who now

lobbies in several issue

areas, including gambling, health and

utilities. Swann spent the second-highest amount on

meals, receptions

and gifts of any lobbyist since 1996, more than $37,000.

Swann helped sponsor receptions for legislators at the

Charleston Marriott, Embassy Suites and

Edgewood Country Club.

The money he spends on meals and receptions is for "relationship

building" between lobbyists,

the clients and legislators,

Swann said.

"You chat with people about baseball or football," he said. "There's

Wilson's group also sponsors a legislative reception, but the

"Legislators should be more in touch with their constituents.

But spending $10,000 to achieve

that goal is a farce," Wilson said.

Swann said that the meals and receptions do not give his clients an

unfair advantage, or take

away from the ability of the average citizen

to contact their legislature.

"The vast majority of legislators are open-minded and willing to

listen to all sides," Swann

said.

But an environmental lobbyist thinks those personal relationships pay

off when legislators need

This is the third installment in a series examining the cycle of

influence in the state
Legislature - how campaign contributions,

lobbyist spending and personal financial interests
affect legislation.

The care and feeding of the West Virginia Legislature does not come

cheap.

In the past five years, lobbyists have spent more than $1

million on West Virginia's government
officials for meals, receptions

and campaign contributions, according to a computer-assisted
analysis

of lobbyist disclosure forms. Most of that spending goes to state

legislators.

That money spent on meals, gifts and receptions does not buy votes

directly, said the Rev.
Nathan Wilson, lobbyist for the West Virginia

Council of Churches. "But it gets lobbyists into
the

legislator's office," he said. "It buys them access."

Some special-interest groups may have bought themselves more access

than others. Since 1996,
gambling lobbyists spent more than

$220,000. That is 66 times as much as anti-gambling
lobbyists,

who spent approximately $3,333.

State legislators are asked to be experts in everything. One

day, they are debating electricity
deregulation, the next, whether to

tax barroom video poker machines. When they don't know much
about an

issue, they look for someone nearby who does. Very often, that person is a

lobbyist.

Larry Swann is a former legislator from Doddridge County who now

lobbies in several issue
areas, including gambling, health and

utilities. Swann spent the second-highest amount on
meals, receptions

and gifts of any lobbyist since 1996, more than $37,000.

Swann helped sponsor receptions for legislators at the

Charleston Marriott, Embassy Suites and
Edgewood Country Club.

The money he spends on meals and receptions is for "relationship

building" between lobbyists,
the clients and legislators,

Swann said.

"You chat with people about baseball or football," he said. "There's

Wilson's group also sponsors a legislative reception, but the

"Legislators should be more in touch with their constituents.

But spending $10,000 to achieve
that goal is a farce," Wilson said.

Swann said that the meals and receptions do not give his clients an

unfair advantage, or take
away from the ability of the average citizen

to contact their legislature.

"The vast majority of legislators are open-minded and willing to

listen to all sides," Swann
said.

But an environmental lobbyist thinks those personal relationships pay

off when legislators need
advice about a bill. Rick Eades, with

the West Virginia Environmental Council, said one story
shows the

difference in access that money can buy.

Eades remembers standing outside the Senate Finance Committee minutes

before they took up a
bill dealing with mountaintop removal. A door to

a side room opened, and he saw several
legislators huddled

around a prominent coal lobbyist with a notebook in his hand.

"It was like football players around their coach," he said. "He was

holding court."

When Eades approached the group, he said they drifted away. He

pidgeonholed one senator. "I
told him that we have opinions on this

issue too, but I only got 30 seconds with him," he said.

Coal, Oil and Gas, and Timber lobbyists have spent more than

$175,000 in the last five years,
while environmental lobbyists

John Hodges and Swann are first and second in lobbyist spending since

1996. Rounding out the
top five are: Michael Herron, Independent Oil

and Gas Association of W.Va., $32,127; Jim Bowen,
AFL-CIO, $29,764; and

Nelson Robinson, gambling, transportation and other business

groups,
$26,773.

Lobbyists spend money on more than just meals and receptions.

Some of the largest lobbyists
give campaign contributions to

candidates as well. For example, the biggest spending lobbyist,
Hodges,

reported giving $5,300 in campaign contributions to West Virginia

candidates since Jan.
1. Hodges spent more than $55,000 lobbying for

gambling, tobacco and business interests since
1996. Swann gave $1,550

in campaign contributions in the same period.

"How can they afford these large campaign contributions?" said Norm

Steenstra, a lobbyist
himself for Citizens Action Group, a nonprofit

organization in Charleston that works on various
reform issues. "What

is Larry Swann making? We don't know."

Other states require lobbyists to disclose much more information

than West Virginia.

For example, Maryland asks each group that lobbies its legislature to

reveal the total amount
it spends for salaries, overhead and other

expenses - not just meals and gifts.

Maryland also asks for lobbyist salaries - the top salary is more than

$1 million, while 79
lobbyists get more than $50,000 for their

efforts.

Steenstra calls for similar disclosure of the total spending of

lobbyists in West Virginia.

In the end, nothing short of massive public action can challenge the

influence of big-spending
lobbyists.

"It will take a groundswell of citizen involvement to change things,"

he said.

"Come November, citizens should vote for those legislators who

are protecting the interests of
all the people."

To contact staff writer Scott Finn, use e-mail or call 357-4323.