The Last Great Senator: Robert C. Byrd's Encounters with Eleven U.S. Presidents
By David A. Corbin
Potomac Books, 379 pages. Hardcover, $34.95.
CHARLESTON, W.Va. -- During 52 years in the U.S. Senate, Robert C. Byrd was involved in some of the most momentous issues of our time, from Civil Rights and the Vietnam War to Watergate, from the line-item veto to the invasion of Iraq. But his role and contributions are regularly overlooked, argues his former speechwriter and historian David A. Corbin.
Corbin's new book "The Last Great Senator: Robert C. Byrd's Encounters with Eleven U.S. Presidents" provides a fascinating look at Byrd's changing philosophy and political leadership over his Senate career, the longest in U.S. history.
"Despite his records and his involvement in so much history," Corbin writes, "no person of his stature has received so little historical attention. For so long, national newspapers, political pundits and others outside the Senate ridiculed, criticized, scoffed and stereotyped the West Virginia senator."
As an example, Corbin cites the critical role Byrd played during Senate hearings exposing the Watergate scandal that brought down the presidency of Richard Nixon -- a role often forgotten.
Foreign policy
Later in his life, Byrd repeatedly said the Congressional vote he regretted most was one cast in favor of the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution on August 7, 1964, enabling Lyndon B. Johnson to escalate the Vietnam War.
By 1968, he began questioning the wisdom of the Vietnam War, directly criticizing Johnson, Corbin points out. While he originally had a cordial relationship with Nixon, that broke down over issues like that war.
By 1973, Byrd was criticizing the Nixon White House for "abusing the rights of antiwar protesters" and bombing Cambodia.
In 1971, Byrd supported the release and publication of the controversial "Pentagon Papers" -- previously secret government documents about its involvement in Vietnam between 1945 and 1967.
Byrd's opposition to aggressive foreign policies and military ventures grew over the years.
During Jimmy Carter's administration, Byrd was a major supporter of the controversial Panama Canal Treaty that returned land to local residents. In the early 1980s, Byrd strongly opposed Ronald Reagan's belligerent ventures in Central America.
Byrd was particularly critical of Reagan's Iran-contra scandal, Corbin points out. Reagan arranged the sale of U.S. weapons to Iran, trying to free American hostages in Beirut, then secretly used money from that sale to fund right-wing opposition to the Nicaraguan government.
Byrd fought Reagan's efforts to dismantle Social Security, close job training programs, cut school lunches and reduce veterans' hospital benefits.
Byrd "inspired the Senate to stand up to Reagan," Corbin writes.
"After Vietnam, Byrd had turned against military action as a first resort and had become cautious about giving the president authority for such."
In 2001, Byrd supported George W. Bush's "war on terror" initially, but soon changed when it became obvious Bush was citing false intelligence information and concealing the real costs of war.
Byrd became a critic, perhaps the nation's most eloquent critic, of the Iraq war and, later, of continuing the Afghanistan war.
The Constitution gives Congress, not the president, the right and power to declare war, Byrd stressed repeatedly in speeches on the Senate floor.
Racial views
But Corbin engages in a bit of historical revisionism in repeatedly arguing Byrd's opposition to legislation like the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Voting Rights Act of 1965 was based primarily on a belief that the Constitution limits the federal government from dictating to states how to govern and how to hold elections.
The Last Great Senator: Robert C. Byrd's Encounters with Eleven U.S. Presidents
By David A. Corbin
Potomac Books, 379 pages. Hardcover, $34.95.
CHARLESTON, W.Va. -- During 52 years in the U.S. Senate, Robert C. Byrd was involved in some of the most momentous issues of our time, from Civil Rights and the Vietnam War to Watergate, from the line-item veto to the invasion of Iraq. But his role and contributions are regularly overlooked, argues his former speechwriter and historian David A. Corbin.
Corbin's new book "The Last Great Senator: Robert C. Byrd's Encounters with Eleven U.S. Presidents" provides a fascinating look at Byrd's changing philosophy and political leadership over his Senate career, the longest in U.S. history.
"Despite his records and his involvement in so much history," Corbin writes, "no person of his stature has received so little historical attention. For so long, national newspapers, political pundits and others outside the Senate ridiculed, criticized, scoffed and stereotyped the West Virginia senator."
As an example, Corbin cites the critical role Byrd played during Senate hearings exposing the Watergate scandal that brought down the presidency of Richard Nixon -- a role often forgotten.
Foreign policy
Later in his life, Byrd repeatedly said the Congressional vote he regretted most was one cast in favor of the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution on August 7, 1964, enabling Lyndon B. Johnson to escalate the Vietnam War.
By 1968, he began questioning the wisdom of the Vietnam War, directly criticizing Johnson, Corbin points out. While he originally had a cordial relationship with Nixon, that broke down over issues like that war.
By 1973, Byrd was criticizing the Nixon White House for "abusing the rights of antiwar protesters" and bombing Cambodia.
In 1971, Byrd supported the release and publication of the controversial "Pentagon Papers" -- previously secret government documents about its involvement in Vietnam between 1945 and 1967.
Byrd's opposition to aggressive foreign policies and military ventures grew over the years.
During Jimmy Carter's administration, Byrd was a major supporter of the controversial Panama Canal Treaty that returned land to local residents. In the early 1980s, Byrd strongly opposed Ronald Reagan's belligerent ventures in Central America.
Byrd was particularly critical of Reagan's Iran-contra scandal, Corbin points out. Reagan arranged the sale of U.S. weapons to Iran, trying to free American hostages in Beirut, then secretly used money from that sale to fund right-wing opposition to the Nicaraguan government.
Byrd fought Reagan's efforts to dismantle Social Security, close job training programs, cut school lunches and reduce veterans' hospital benefits.
Byrd "inspired the Senate to stand up to Reagan," Corbin writes.
"After Vietnam, Byrd had turned against military action as a first resort and had become cautious about giving the president authority for such."
In 2001, Byrd supported George W. Bush's "war on terror" initially, but soon changed when it became obvious Bush was citing false intelligence information and concealing the real costs of war.
Byrd became a critic, perhaps the nation's most eloquent critic, of the Iraq war and, later, of continuing the Afghanistan war.
The Constitution gives Congress, not the president, the right and power to declare war, Byrd stressed repeatedly in speeches on the Senate floor.
Racial views
But Corbin engages in a bit of historical revisionism in repeatedly arguing Byrd's opposition to legislation like the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Voting Rights Act of 1965 was based primarily on a belief that the Constitution limits the federal government from dictating to states how to govern and how to hold elections.
For decades, many segregationists used "states rights" to justify their views.
Byrd's respect for the Constitution, Corbin writes, "led him to oppose abolishing the poll tax by statute [in 1962] and to oppose certain provisions in the 1964 Civil Rights Act."
Corbin's assertions contradict many events and statements from Byrd.
In the early 1940s, before running for his first office, Byrd became a Ku Klux Klan leader in Crab Orchard, outside Beckley.
In 1967, the "New York Times" reported, "Byrd is disliked by many liberals because of his opposition to civil rights."
In 1968, Byrd denounced Martin Luther King, shortly before his death, as "a self-seeking rabble rouser."
In 1971, when President Richard Nixon floated Byrd's name as a possible Supreme Court nominee, Corbin writes, southern segregationists in the Senate supported Byrd.
But Byrd's views on race evolved gradually over the years.
By 1974, nationally prominent African-American Rep. Barbara Jordan, D-Texas, introduced and praised Byrd at a Democratic Party mid-term convention in Kansas City.
"Orphan, senator, lawyer, legislator, leader. What is the measure of one man?" Jordan asked. "Some measure a man by the content of his commitment to a government of laws and others by his sense of justice."
Later in his career, Byrd repeatedly apologized for his earlier views.
Byrd, as Corbin points out, was also one of the first U.S. senators to hire black people on his own staff. He urged the city of Washington, D.C. to hire more African-Americans on its police force.
In "Child of the Appalachian Coalfields," his 2005 autobiography, Byrd wrote, "The Klan albatross is a mistake which has haunted me throughout my political career."
Later in his career, Byrd received 100 percent positive ratings from civil rights groups such as the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People.
A Senate leader
Corbin's new book revolves around his experiences working for Byrd for 16 years, the last 10 as a speechwriter. Over 26, years, Corbin also worked for Sens. George Mitchell, D-Maine, and Tom Daschle, D-S.D.
Corbin's book rarely mentions events and politics in West Virginia. The book rarely, if ever, cites interviews with people, especially West Virginians, about their relations with Byrd. Corbin recently said he hopes, someday, to write a "full biography" of Byrd.
The book portrays Byrd's successful effort to defeat the "line-item veto," backed by Bill Clinton, to give presidents the power to unilaterally remove any lines from any legislation sent to their desks. The U.S. Supreme Court struck that legislation down in June 1998.
"The Last Great Senator" also details many benefits Byrd directed to the Mountain State, particularly after he became chairman of the Appropriations Committee. He served in that position three times, when Democrats controlled the Senate, between 1989 and 2009.
Byrd held more Senate leadership positions, and cast more votes, than anyone in Congressional history.
Byrd was elected to the West Virginia House of Delegates in 1946 and 1948, the state Senate in 1950 and the U.S. House of Representatives in 1952. In 1958, he won the Senate seat he held until he died on June 28, 2010.
Reach Paul J. Nyden at pjny...@wvgazette.com or 304-348-5164.
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